Monday, 23 March 2015

Afzal Guru’s Mortal Remains Must Reach His Family



By

Dr. Paramjit Singh Sahni & Shobha Aggarwal

In the next session of Jammu and Kashmir assembly scheduled to start on 18 March, 2015 the issue of return of Afzal Guru’s mortal remains is expected to be debated.

Afzal Guru, convicted in the attack on the Parliament House, New Delhi, India in 2001 was clandestinely hanged to death with in the precincts of Tihar Jail, Delhi on the morning of 9 February, 2013. His family was not kept informed about the day and timing of the hanging; neither were family members allowed a last visit to meet him. It is public knowledge that Afzal was not provided proper legal assistance; there was no foolproof evidence against him. Besides, out of the convicts on the death row he was singled out of his position (said to be twenty-eight) largely due to the pressure exerted by the ultra nationalist party, BJP and the Sangh Parivar. It was purely a political decision by the Congress. His mercy petition was rejected by President Pranab Mukherjee a few days prior to his hanging. He had been on the death row for nearly eight years. The Supreme Court had sentenced him to death on 4 August, 2005 to satisfy the “collective conscience of the society”. There were wide spread and continuous protests in the Kashmir valley. Curfew had been clamped for several days in all ten districts of the valley to prevent people from expressing their sorrow and anger. The army was put on high alert. The print and audio visual media were subjected to a clamp down for days. Telecommunication, cable T.V. services and internet was blocked.

Afzal Guru’s wife and family members have been persistently making a strong plea for the mortal remains of Afzal Guru to be returned. The Indian state has stubbornly refused to pay heed to this request. Thus Afzal Guru lies buried at Tihar jail, Delhi. In the same jail premises the mortal remains of Maqbool Bhat also stay buried since his hanging on 11 February, 1984. Empty graves at “martyrs’ graveyard” in Srinagar await return of mortal remains of Maqbool Bhat and Afzal Guru.

The Government of India has been steadfastly refusing to hand over the mortal remains of these two Kashmiri Muslims widely perceived to be martyrs to the cause of Kashmir. The reasoning provided by the authorities is that the return of the mortal remains may create a law and order situation in Kashmir or it may give a fillip to militancy! History points to the contrary. Militancy was on the ascent years after Maqbool Bhat’s mortal remains were confined with in the precincts of Tihar jail. The philosophical question, then, is to whom do the mortal remains belong to after the state has executed a person? It is globally perceived that on humanitarian and other considerations the mortal remains of those executed must be handed over to the family/local community to which the person belonged. Examples from history are in order.

Take the case of Udham Singh who had travelled all the way to U.K. and on 13 March, 1940 had assassinated former Punjab governor, Michael O’Dwyer at Caxton Hall, London. The latter had approved of the action of General Dyer at Jallianwala Bagh, who had ordered firing on thousands of peaceful protesters at Jallianwala Bagh on Baisakhi day in 1919 in Amritsar. On 31 July, 1940 Udham Singh was hanged at Pentonville Prison in London. His mortal remains were brought to Punjab in 1974. The martyr’s home – a single room dwelling built of small bricks – is under the care of state archaeology, museums and cultural affairs department.[1]

The revolutionary Bhagat Singh was arrested on charges of shooting dead John P Saunders, an assistant superintendent of Police on 17 December, 1928 while he was coming out from the police headquarters at Lahore. Bhagat Singh was tried and sentenced to death. It is generally believed that Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru were hanged at night by the British on 23 March, 1931 in contravention of the Jail Manual which allows hanging in the morning. The mortal remains of the martyrs were also not handed over to their families. The exact place of the cremation is still unknown.[2] The fall out of such clandestine hanging and cremation is that many theories differing from the official version sprout forth and further anger and sorrow ensues amongst the people. This leads to extreme alienation. The National Martyrs Memorial, Hussainiwala built in 1968 depicts the revolutionary spirit of the three national martyrs.

How strong and long lasting the feelings of getting the mortal remains of a martyr remain embedded in the collective psyche of a people can be gauzed from the persistent demand made till date to bring Bahadur Shah Zafar’s mortal remains from Rangoon, Myanmar (Burma) to Delhi. Bahadur Shah was arrested by the British rulers and tried. In 1857, he was brought to Rangoon in captivity and died there on 7 November, 1862 at the age of 87. In a memo to the President of India submitted on 7 May, 2013 the Socialist Party, India reminded that Zafar was the leader of the first war of independence against the colonial powers and a symbol of Hindu-Muslim unity and wondered “why the rulers of free India are not ready, even symbolically, to undo the insult and injustice meted out to Zafar by at least bringing back his remains to India and put him to rest at the place of his choice Dargah Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki at Mehrauli, where an empty grave awaits his remains.”[3]

For decades family members of Subhas Chandra Bose and other saner voices have been demanding that the Union Government should tell the truth about the cause of his death which is said to have taken place on 18 August, 1945. But even this basic information has eluded the people. The Justice Manoj Mukherjee Commission of Inquiry set up in 1999 said that Netaji did not die in a plane crash over Taiwan and the ashes in a Japanese temple were not Netaji’s. Modi government takes the UPA line on files pertaining to Subhas Bose by not making them public.[4]

Roger Casement was a British diplomat, human rights activist, Irish nationalist and a poet. In 1913 after retiring from the consular service, he became more involved with the Irish Republican and Separatist movement. He was tried for treason in view of his efforts during the Great War to gain German collaboration for an armed uprising in Ireland to gain Independence against British rule. He was hanged at Pentonville Prison in London on 3 August, 1916, at the age of 51. Casement’s body was buried within the prison premises. In 1965 his remains were repatriated to the Republic of Ireland which had gained effective independence in 1922.[5]

Even during wars between two countries Prisoners of War (PoWs) are exchanged at the end of the conflict; so are the injured and the dead. Also during internal conflicts within a country a similar arrangement exists. In such situations the reasoning accorded by the governments – that the return of the mortal remains may increase the anger amongst the citizens of the enemy country – is never made an issue; bodies of those killed in encounters by the police/para-military/army are returned to the family of the deceased. On rare occasions the administration takes the precaution of using police cover right up to the cremation/burial site so that the last rites are performed peacefully. During the last rites of ‘Nirbhaya’ – whose gang rape in Delhi had stirred a national outrage in December, 2012 – apart from the family members the only other persons at the cremation ground were politicians, bureaucrats and police people. Even during natural calamities like earthquake, floods, cyclone as also during riots based on caste/religious community/ethnicity the bodies are returned to the family. Or a mass funeral is organized at the site of the tragedy. At times the authorities go to the extreme length of identifying bodies of those killed in plane/train crashes or in ship-wrecks using the DNA test to deal with the compensation issue later on. In all the aforementioned situations the common thread is that the body of the deceased must reach the family even as the administration faces the wrath of the people as the “body bags” reach the family/community.

It is pertinent to add that the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) deals with the return of the remains and personal effects of the dead vide its Rule 114:

“Rule 114. Parties to the conflict must endeavour to facilitate the return of the remains of the deceased upon request of the party to which they belong or upon the request of their next of kin. They must return their personal effects to them.”

The ICRC further elaborates:
State practice establishes the customary nature of this rule in international armed conflicts. In the context of non-international armed conflicts there is a growing trend towards recognition of the obligation of parties to a conflict to facilitate the return of the remains of the dead to their families upon their request. The fact that this obligation is in keeping with the requirement of respect for family life (Rule 105 of the ICRC) implies that it should apply equally in both international and non-international armed conflicts. [6]

In all situations the body of the deceased must reach the family. This alone would satisfy and soothe the collective conscience of the society.

[Dr. Paramjit Singh Sahni and Shobha Aggarwal, advocate are both members of Public Interest Litigation Watch Group. Email: pilwatchgroup@gmail.com]




[1] http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Mere-assurances-marked-Udhams-martyrdom-day-every-year/articleshow/21497137.cms
[2] http://madangsingh.expertscolumn.com/article/fresh-facts-hanging-bhagat-singh
[3] http://www.merinews.com/article/socialist-party-requests-president-to-bring-back-bahadur-shah-zafars-mortal-remains/15885179.shtml
[4] http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/explained-the-netaji-files/
[5] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roger_Casement

Tuesday, 10 February 2015

AN OPEN LETTER TO KIRAN BEDI – HOMOSEXUALITY, PRIVACY RIGHTS AND THE FORTH-COMING DELHI ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS

By

Dr. Paramjit Singh Sahni & Shobha Aggarwal

The right wing nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has projected you as the Chief Ministerial candidate in the Delhi Assembly elections scheduled for 7 February, 2015. The lawyers in all the subordinate courts of Delhi have opposed your candidature reminding the electorate about the brutal lathi charge in 1988 leashed upon them under your stewardship while you were the Deputy Commissioner of Police (North). One of the injured lawyers is presently functioning as a judge of the Delhi High Court; he was given eight stitches for the injuries sustained during the lathi charge. Subsequently a Judicial Commission of Inquiry headed by Justice D.P. Wadhwa indicted you. All this is fresh in public mind. What needs to be highlighted is your homophobic views aired publicly while you were the Inspector General of Prisons (Tihar, Delhi).

Your prejudices effectively ensured that the Jail inmates were denied access to condoms. Media reports at that time indicated that you consider homosexuality to be “abnormal” and would like to take all steps to give the inmates “a chance to be normal”. You had opined, then, that you would not hesitate to step up surveillance to “ensure” that inmates do not indulge in homosexual activity. Moreover you saw “no need” to amend Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC). To recapitulate what you said:

“I am still not reconciled to except homosexuality as a normal human practice. We need to undertake a massive education programme among the inmates so that I could at least give them a chance to be normal. The first step would be preventive, through an education programme. If that doesn’t work, the next step would be to increase surveillance.
“If that too fails, I would go in for increased counselling. Only after that would I consider anything else.”

You also said that supplying condoms “would amount to encouraging people to indulge in homosexuality. It would be like legalizing drugs.”

Constitutional lawyers at that time had dubbed your assertions about surveillance to be preposterous; and that it would be the death of liberty of prisoners.

It will be a bit too late as well as embarrassing for you to say that you have been misquoted, as the above quotes are from The Pioneer dated 21.02.1994 and the reporting is by Amit Prakash. The Pioneer’s editor is a Rajya Sabha member courtesy BJP; the paper is pro-BJP.

You would recall that members of AIDS Bhedbhav Virodhi Andolan (ABVA) had an official meeting with your good-self in 1994 within the precincts of Tihar Jail and had given you a copy of “Less Than Gay”, a Citizens’ Report on the Status of Homosexuality in India, brought out by ABVA in November-December, 1991. This report was the first such document published in India. ABVA had requested you to go through the report and shed your prejudices against homosexuality and come to terms with the fact that a percentage of people (males and females) have a different sexual orientation which is both normal and natural; these are the gay and lesbian people. Homosexuality is innate; you are born with it. Access to condoms will not make a heterosexual person to ‘become’ a homosexual person.

Ms. Bedi, when you were planning to increase surveillance of inmates at Tihar Jail did you realize that you would be subverting the fundamental rights enshrined in the Indian Constitution available to all citizens of India including those inside the jail? Article 21 of the Constitution of India guarantees the right to life and personal liberty. The Right to Privacy is an essential part of the Right to Life as enunciated in several Supreme Court judgements.

We wish to refresh your memory that in 1994 ABVA had filed a Civil Writ Petition no. 1784/1994 titled AIDS Bhedbhav Virodhi Andolan v. Union of India & others wherein you as Inspector General of Prisons (Tihar, Delhi) were respondent number 4. The petition prayed interalia:

“(a) to declare that section 377 of the Indian Penal Code 1908 is unconstitutional and void –
as being hit by the provisions of Articles 13, 14 and 21 and 25 of the Constitution of India. …
       (d)  to restrain the respondents from segregating or isolating prisoners with a certain sexual orientation or those suffering from AIDS or from commencing prosecution against those prisoners who are suspected to have participated in consensual anal intercourse.”

To refresh your memory we reproduce relevant points from the counter affidavit filed by you in the said writ petition in September, 1994:

“… there is no justification and legality for supply of condoms in the prison. Supply of condoms will promote homosexuality.”

Outlining the steps taken to discourage homosexuality in jail the affidavit elaborated that senior level check at night is being taken; as also an Open Panchayat system which allows free interaction on development in the prison; and mobile petition box system to encourage anonymous information of all kinds of incidence of behavior.

Your affidavit betrays your ignorance on and prejudices about homosexuality as also your intention to undertake surveillance on the private lives of prisoners.

Ms. Bedi, do you still hold the same views on Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) issues after a lapse of more than two decades?

For your ready reference we may point out that a large section of civil society appears to be in favour of decriminalizing consensual homosexual acts. Amongst the political parties and their allied groups, the Bharatiya Janata Party, Vishva Hindu Parishad, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh perceive gay sex to be unnatural. The Left parties and Aam Aadmi Party are in favour of decriminalizing homosexuality. Both Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi of Indian National Congress have publicly supported the removal of Section 377, IPC – an archaic, repressive and unjust law that infringes on the basic human rights enshrined in our Constitution; Sonia Gandhi hopes that Parliament will address this issue and uphold the constitutional guarantee of life and liberty to all citizens of India.

Lastly the LGBT community is not a miniscule minority. No authentic census has been conducted in India on the exact number but the number is likely to be close to 4% of the population, if one were to go by the studies done by Alfred Kinsey, an American scientist in the last century. There is no known reason to believe otherwise. This constitutes a sizeable number of potential voters for any party. Reports indicate that President Obama got re-elected courtesy a swing of this section of voters towards the Democratic Party in the U.S.A.

[Dr. Paramjit Singh Sahni is one of the founder members of ABVA; Shobha Aggarwal is an advocate and the ABVA’s writ petition was filed through her. Both are members of Public Interest Litigation Watch Group.]


(The above open letter was shared with AAP on 01.02.2015.)



On 02.02.2015 AAP wrote to PIL Watch Group



Aam Aadmi Party

Feb 2 (8 days ago)
to me

Dear Dr. Paramji Singh Sahni Ji & Shobha Aggarwal Ji

Greetings

We thank you for sharing this. We shall forward the same to our team internally for them to go through the article. Kindly support us in all possible way for the upcoming election in Delhi.

Warm Regards
Sundar Rajan

Team AAP



On 10.02.2015

Kiran Bedi as BJP's CM candidate stands CONDOM-ned!



Saturday, 13 December 2014

PIL Watch Group writes to Justice A.K. Ganguly

Sir,

Please find attached an article written by the undersigned titled “FULL COURT OF SUPREME COURT MUST APOLOGISE TO JUDGE, J-1” for your perusal. The article was published in South Asia Citizens Web (SACW) on 20 August, 2014. The link to the article on SACW website is: 
http://www.sacw.net/article9377.html

It is felt that injustice meted out to you should not be left unaddressed even at this late hour but should be pursued at the highest level – both judicial and non-judicial.

The delay in sending you this is because it was only yesterday your email and postal address got traced.

Yours sincerely,
Dr. Paramjit Singh
Secretary, PIL Watch Group

Saturday, 8 November 2014

An act of commission by the Law Commission of India

Below is our letter dated 30.10.2014 to the Law Commission of India on Delhi Rent Act, 1995, Law Commission's reply dated 31.10.2014 and our response dated 08.11.2014


To,
Justice Ajit Prakash Shah,
Chairman,
Law Commission of India,
Government of India,
Hindustan Times House,
Kasturba Gandhi Marg, New Delhi -110001                                          

30.10.2014
Subject: Himalayan blunder in the list of archaic laws in your Interim Report No. 248 “Obsolete Laws: Warranting Immediate Repeal”

Sir,

The aforementioned report refers to the Delhi Rent Act, 1995 as an archaic law. Actually Sir, it is the Delhi Rent Control Act, 1958 which is an archaic law. It is commonsensical that Delhi Rent Act, 1995 – which awaits notification – is a reformed rental law for Delhi passed by both houses of Parliament and assented to by the President of India.

As we are campaigning on the issue for over ten years we would like to meet you in person to put all the facts before you so that the anomaly is corrected.
Kindly grant us an appointment.

Thanks.
Yours sincerely,
(Dr. Paramjit Singh)
Secretary, PIL Watch Group





To,
Justice Ajit Prakash Shah,
Chairman,
Law Commission of India,
Government of India,
Hindustan Times House,
Kasturba Gandhi Marg, New Delhi -110001                                          

08 November, 2014


Ref: Your letter No. 6(3)211/2011-LC(LS) dated 31 October, 2014 on  Report No. 248 “Obsolete Laws: Warranting Immediate Repeal”

Sir,

Your aforementioned reply to our letter dated 30.10.2014 which pointed out that the Commission has made a Himalayan blunder by including Delhi Rent Act, 1995 in the list of archaic laws was pathetic to say the least.

You may like to read your own report again very carefully in which Delhi Rent Act, 1995 appears both in Appendix I and Appendix V (at item 250). Appendix V of your report – in case you do not know – contains LIST OF STATUTES FOR FURTHER STUDY WITH A VIEW TO ASSESS SUITABILITY FOR REPEAL.  Apparently you do not read your own reports “carefully”.

Still as you failed to understand the import of our earlier short letter we are compelled to explain the point in detail and hope that you will not try to hide behind technicalities and this time around understand the true nature of the blunder made by you. The question that arises is that when the mandate of the Commission is “Identification of Obsolete Laws” why should Delhi Rent Act, 1995 figure in any list prepared by the Commission and not the Delhi Rent Control Act, 1958 (DRC Act) which is a regressive law. The Commission by including Delhi Rent Act, 1995


in Appendix V is setting back the whole process of reform in rent control laws by decades. More than 32 years ago the Economic Administration Reforms Commission set up under the chairmanship of Shri L.K. Jha in its Report No. 11 presented to the Government in September 1982 pointed out the shortcomings of rent control laws. Jain Commission on Administrative Reforms in its “Report of the Commission on Review of Administrative Laws’ (September 1998) observed that Rent Control Act negatively impacts on housing supply, investment flow in the housing and increases the housing price. The Commission recommended revised legal framework for Rent Control in Delhi should be finalised and implemented early and suggested starting with action to pass the amending Act for Delhi.

Further, we would like to quote Para 1.6 of your Report No. 248:
“In the course of the Commission’s research, unpublished work by the 100 Laws Repeal Project, a citizens’ coalition initiative comprising Centre for Civil Society, Macro finance Group of NIPFP, amongst others was brought to our notice, together with several scholarly pieces and newspaper articles on this issue. The Commission would like to acknowledge these contributions which benefited its Report.”

May we with all due respect point out that one of the laws recommended for repeal by the Centre for Civil Society in its 100 Laws Repeal Project is Delhi Rent Control Act, 1958 and not Delhi Rent Act, 1995!

It may be pointed out that the very fact that Parliament thought it fit to repeal the Delhi Rent Control Act, 1958 and replace it by Delhi Rent Act, 1995 shows that the 1958 Act has fulfilled its purpose and has become archaic and redundant. In the debate held in Lok Sabha on 01.06.1995 during the passage and adoption of Delhi Rent Bill, 1994, an Hon’ble member of Lok Sabha Shri Sriballav Panigrahi had referred to the DRC Act as an ‘outdated’ Act. Both the print and electronic media have been referring to the DRC Act as archaic Act. The Hon’ble High Court of Delhi in Raghunandan Saran Ashok Saran (HUF) vs. Union of India [95 (2002) DLT 508],  had quashed Sections 4,6 and 9 of the Delhi Rent Control Act 1958 as being offensive to Article 14, 19(1)(g) and 21 of the Constitution of India. The Division Bench held that the provisions were archaic. They contain no mechanism to compensate the landlords to offset inflation. Thus the term archaic in relation to Delhi Rent Control Act, 1958 has been used by the national press, parliament and the judiciary.

Sir, we can give the Commission a reasoning but not an understanding. We do hope that beyond getting media coverage the Commission would also try to rectify its mistakes. If the Commission is not hand in gloves with the powers that be and the rich tenant-trader lobby of Delhi you would – without any delay – publicly acknowledge the blunder and remove the Delhi Rent Act, 1995 from Appendix V and recommend immediate repeal of Delhi Rent Control Act, 1958.

We again request for an appointment to clear any further misunderstanding that you may have.

Thanks.
Yours sincerely,
(Dr. Paramjit Singh)

Secretary, PIL Watch Group

Sunday, 28 September 2014

Modi and Manmohan are clones!

Prime Minster Modi has asserted ad-infinitum that he would weed out archaic laws. But his own Govt. wishes to retain the archaic Delhi Rent Control Act, 1958 and throw the modern Delhi Rent Act, 1995 into the dustbin. Thus Modi’s assertions are nothing but Orwellian double speak. It is clear that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is desperately trying to ape the erstwhile P.M. Dr. Manmohan Singh, who too had been reluctant to notify the Delhi Rent Act, 1995. Here Modi turns out to be a clone of Manmohan Singh albeit a poor one. The present Central Government is as weak as the Govt. of Dr. Manmohan Singh. Both these governments have been catapulted by the vested interest of trader-tenants who wish to retain status quo as well as archaic laws.