Thursday, 18 September 2025

Revisiting Krishna Iyer’s Treatise on Bail – Part II: In the Context of the Cases of Umar Khalid & Others

 

Revisiting Krishna Iyer’s Treatise on Bail – Part II

In the Context of the Cases of Umar Khalid & Others

 

Benjamin Cardozo and Lord Camdon have brought to the fore as to what constitutes judicial discretion used by judges in the context of bail:

“The judge even when he is free, is still not wholly free. He is not to innovate at pleasure. He is not a knight – errant roaming at will in pursuit of his own ideal of beauty or of goodness. He is to draw his inspiration from consecrated principles.” —Benjamin Cardozo[1]

and

“..the discretion of a judge is the law of tyrants: it is always unknown. It is different in different men; it is casual, and depends upon constitution, temper and passion. In the best, it is often times caprice; in the worst, it is every vice, folly and passion to which human nature is liable …”—Lord Camdon[2]

Js. V.R. Krishna Iyer and Js. D.A. Desai through their judgement dated 31.01.1978 in Babu Singh and Others V. The State of U.P.[3] gave a scientific orientation to the crucial issue of bail. These judges accepted that hitherto the ferocity of the crime had eclipsed the real purposes of bail or jail; that other sensitive and sensible circumstances were ignored, and that the fate of applicants for bail in the higher judiciary had largely hinged on the hunch of the bench as on expression of judicial discretion.

The personal liberty of an accused or convict is fundamental as enunciated in Article 21 of the Constitution of India: No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law, it can be denied only by procedure “established by law”. The last four words of Article 21 are the life-force of that vital human right.

The fundamental and constitutional right of bail is available to those accused, charged or convicted. The object to keep a person in judicial custody pending trial or disposal of an appeal is primarily to ensure the attendance of the person at trial. That’s the crux. Lord Russel, C.J. ruled:

"I observe that in this case bail was refused for the prisoner. It cannot be too strongly impressed on the magistracy of the country that bail is not to be withheld as a punishment, but that the requirements as to bail are merely to secure the attendance of the prisoner at trial."[4]

This theme was developed by Lord Russel of Killowen C. J., when he charged the grand jury at Salisbury Assizes, 1899:

"....it was the duty of magistrates to admit accused persons to bail, wherever practicable, unless there were strong grounds for supposing that such persons would not appear to take their trial.”[5]

In Archbold it is stated that:

"The proper test of whether bail should be granted or refused is whether it is probable that the defendant will appear to take his trial ..”

Umar Khalid & Others are hardly the sort of people who if given bail would not make themselves available for trial. They are unlikely to take the first flight to Timbuktu upon release on bail and disappear. It is in their interest to get over with the trial fast. But they are the victim of the slow motion of the justice system – precisely the right candidate for bail.

Js. Krishna Iyer simplifies the guiding principle for those emotionally charged and are won’t to say goodbye to logic and common sense when bail is being prayed:

“The principal rule to guide release on bail should be to secure the presence of the applicant who seeks to be liberated, to take judgement and serve sentence in the event of the court punishing him with imprisonment.”

Umar Khalid & Others don’t have a bad record – particularly a record which suggests that they are likely to commit serious offences while on bail. They are not habitual offender. They qualify for bail on this count too.

Js. Krishna Iyer makes an impassioned plea for public justice:

“It makes sense to assume that a man on bail has a better chance to prepare or present his case than one remanded in custody. And if public justice is to be promoted, mechanical detention should be demoted.”

Umar Khalid & Others have prayed for bail so that they can prepare a better defence of himself. It is a fair enough ground for his bail.

Justices Krishna Iyer and Desai elaborate:

“The considerable public expense in keeping in custody where no danger of disappearance or disturbance can arise, is not a negligible consideration. Equally important is the deplorable condition, verging on the inhuman, of our sub-jails, that the unrewarding cruelty and expensive custody of avoidable incarceration makes refusal of bail unreasonable and a policy favouring release justly sensible.”

“Our justice system, even in grave cases, suffers from slow motion syndrome which is lethal to ‘fair trial’., whatever the ultimate decision. Speedy justice is a component of social justice since the community, as a whole, is concerned in … the innocent being absolved from the inordinate ordeal of criminal proceedings.”

The trial would take a very long time as the Prosecution intends to examine 800-900 witnesses. So there is no likelihood of the conclusion of the trial in the foreseeable future. During this period Umar Khalid & Others will continue to languish in jail!

Why should Umar Khalid & Others be denied bail when the trial will take years to conclude. If the legal system cannot assure that the trial would be completed fast why deny bail and liberty to the accused.

Forget Umar Khalid & Others for a moment. They are just accused. Juxtapose it with what even those already convicted by a court stand to avail if they go in appeal. This weighty issue has been dealt at length by Js. Bhagwati in his judgement dated 02.09.1977 in Kashmira Singh V. The State of Punjab[6]. The rationale of this practice – not to release on bail a person who has been sentenced to life imprisonment – could have no application where the Court is not in a position to dispose of the appeal for five or six years.

Js. Bhagwati makes it crystal clear that:

“It would indeed be a travesty of justice to keep a person in jail for a period of five or six years for an offence which is ultimately found not to have been committed by him.”

Js. Bhagwati then proceeds on to raise five important questions:
1. Can the Court ever compensate him for his incarceration which is found to be unjustified?
2. What confidence would such administration of justice, inspire in the mind of the public?
3. Would a judge not be overwhelmed with a feeling of contribution while acquitting such a person after hearing the appeal?
4. Would it not be an affront to his (judge’s) sense of justice?
5. Of what avail would the acquittal be to a person who has already served out his term of imprisonment or at any rate a major part of it?

Remember that Js. Bhagwati was dealing with the bail plea of a person convicted of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment by the High Court who had come in appeal to the Supreme Court. Yet he was granted bail till the disposal of the appeal which could have taken a few years. Remember again that the cases Umar Khalid & Others are under trial. Far from being convicted even the trial is getting inordinately delayed. Their bail applications should justifiably be allowed.

[Shobha Aggarwal is an advocate and Jt. Secretary, Public Interest Litigation Watch Group. Part I of this article appeared in SACW on 13.05.2014 See: India: Revisiting Krishna Iyer's Treatise on Bail In the Context of Tejpal’s Case - South Asia Citizens Web]

[1] The Nature of Judicial Process – Yale University Press (1921)
[2] (I Bovu. Law Dict., ‘Rawles’ III Revision p. 685- quoted in Judicial Discretion – National College of the State Judiciary, Reno, Nevada p.14).
[3] All citations in this article are from this Supreme Court’s judgement reported at 1978 AIR 527; 1978 SCR (2) 777; 1978 SCC (1) 579
[4] R.v. Rose 1898-18Cox CC. 717: 67 LJOB 289- quoted in ’The granting of Bail’, Mod. Law Rev. Vol. 81, Jan 1968 p. 40, 48
[5] (1899) 63 J. P. 193, Mod. Law Rev. p. 49
[6] 1977 AIR 2147

 


Thursday, 4 September 2025

ABVA's twitter account suspended

Activists in India are alarmed at ABVA's twitter account being suspended. Here is the message received:


OPEN LETTER TO ELON MUSK

 

When your friend Donald Trump makes a false statement that Indian economy is dead you don’t suspend his twitter account.

If ABVA makes a factual statement that Indian economy is one of the fastest growing economies in the world you suspend ABVA’s twitter account

NO THANKS

(Attached is the email sent by twitter indicating ABVA account being suspended).

Saturday, 2 August 2025

OPEN LETTER TO PHILOSOPHER STATESMEN OF THE WORLD

Martha Nussbaum, Cornel West, Jürgen Habermas, Amartya Sen, Slavoj Žižek, Noam Chomsky

 

Respected Madam/Sir,

 

Two powerful nations viz U.S. and Russia have brought humanity on the verge of WW-III with declared preference for nuclear war. We appeal to you to offer sagacious advice internationally to both to desist from global nuclear annihilation.

 

Thanks,

Appeal issued by Public Interest Litigation Watch Group, New Delhi, India

Wednesday, 23 July 2025

URGENT PETITION: On non-notification of Delhi Rent Act, 1995

                                                             

To

The Registrar,

Supreme Court of India,

New Delhi.

 

Subject: Non-notification of laws passed by the Parliament, assented to by the President of India, by the Executive and bureaucracy

 

Ref: Presidential reference on President, Governor’s powers which is being adjudicated by a five-judge Constitution bench and matters related thereof

 

Hon’ble Chief Justice of India and his companion judges,

 

Nation is expectantly waiting for a judgment on the aforementioned issue as it concerns “we the citizens’ so that a law passed by a duly elected legislature does not get confined to cold storage due to governmental/bureaucratic inertia.

 

We wish to bring to the notice of the five-judge constitution bench that there is yet one more area where in spite of this courts’ sincere efforts the law could be made un-operational by vested interests due to non-notification of the law in cases where there is no inbuilt clause in the law that it would come into operation immediately or after a stipulated time-period as in the case of Delhi Rent Act, 1995 (DRA, 1995).

 

The DRA, 1995 was passed by both Houses of Parliament, and received the assent of the President of India on August 23, 1995. It is not being enforced ostensibly because of successive Central governments getting blackmailed by the vested interests! In the last thirty years of the legislative history, the Union Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA) has either blatantly ignored the sagacious recommendations or wilfully not implemented the assurances given to several Parliamentary Committees (including the Committee on Petitions; Committee on Assurances; Committee on Subordinate Legislation; and three Parliamentary Standing Committees). The non-notification of the DRA, 1995 by the MoHUA is contemptuous of Parliament, the aforementioned Parliamentary Committees, as also the President of India. Even the pronouncements of the judiciary particularly during the last two decades urging the government for immediate rental law reform, including payment of market rent by tenants, have not been heeded to. This is collective contempt shown on this issue by the government towards Parliament, Parliamentary Committees, the President of India and Supreme Court of India.

 

By not issuing the relevant notification within a reasonable period, the executive effectively assumes the law-making functions. This is unconstitutional since the power to make laws rests with the legislature, not the executive. One of the defining features of our Constitution is the separation of powers between the legislature, executive and judiciary.

 

It is our earnest hope the power of the legislature, for example, through non-notification of Acts passed by Parliament and even assented to by the President of India are brought to a halt. Getting the DRA, 1995 to be notified could be the first step in that direction.

 

This is for your kind consideration.

 

Yours sincerely,

Paramjit Singh,

Convener, National Campaign Committee for Rental Law Reform

Friday, 4 July 2025

Press Release: Repeal of Delhi Rent Control Act, 1958

 To

The Chief Reporter/ News Editor,


The Committee for the Repeal of Delhi Rent Control Act (CRDRCA) has been campaigning for rental law reform in Delhi for about two decades. The CRDRCA welcomes the judgement of Delhi High Court delivered by Justice Anup Jairam Bhambhani on 2 July 2025 in the case of Mrs. Madhurbhashani & Ors. The Delhi High Court is crying itself hoarse for repeal of archaic rental law since elite class tenants are paying a pittance as rent to landlords who are struggling to make both ends meet.

 

The Union Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA) has been urging state governments to adopt the Model Tenancy Act 2021. The Delhi Rent Control Act, 1958 (DRC Act) is a central legislation and the Parliament has the power to repeal it. But the Central Govt. has chosen not to take action to implement its own policy in Delhi so far. Now that BJP is in power in both Delhi and Centre after almost two and a half decades this is the right time for the Central Govt. to ensure that Delhi Rent Control Act, 1958 is repealed and tenancy laws reformed in Delhi.

 

Campaign by CRDRCA

The CRDRCA, comprising of women owners, had filed a case in DHC in 2010 challenging the constitutional validity of the whole DRC Act. But in 2019 a division bench of the DHC headed by Justice S. Ravindra Bhat (as he then was) passed an unreasoned judgement and refused to give any relief to the landlords. The violation of fundamental rights of the landlords were not deliberated upon at all in the said judgement. The judgement was a copy paste job of the petitioners’ arguments and respondents’ arguments with no analysis at all.

 

Ironically Justice S. Ravindra Bhat considered the law to be constitutional but Justice Bhambhani has aired a view which reflects the reality.

 

Thanks.

Yours sincerely,

Shobha Aggarwal

President, Committee for the Repeal of Delhi Rent Control Act


See Also: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/delhi/high-court-sets-aside-rent-controller-order-citing-misuse-of-delhi-rent-control-act/articleshow/122254751.cms